question:请将“Labour legislation is enacted as much in the immediate interest of the capi-talist class as in the interest of society in general. But this harmony endures only up to a certain point of capitalist development. When capitalist devel-opment has reached a certain level, the interests of the bourgeoisie, as a class, and the needs of economic progress [i.e. workers’ interests] begin to clash even in the capitalist sense. (Luxemburg, 2008/1938: 61) Capitalist accumulation always happens in a specific geographical context — within a city and a nation. So there is a constant flow of capital across cities, provinces, and nations. To obtain some concessions, trade unions have had to often support — or they have to make sure they do not significantly undermine the conditions for — national- and regional-level capitalist accumulation. The fact that capitalist investment can move across state’s territorial jurisdictions at national and sub-national scales and that state institutions at these scales are (increasingly) competing with one another for capital imposes a limit on workers’ receiving significant concessions in particular places/countries.48 During normal times, the imperative of capitalist accumulation sets a limit on what the state can do for workers. When we consider the geographical mobility as an aspect of accumulation, we see that it also imposes some ‘constraint’, at a concrete level, on what the state can do for workers. The other aspect of the limit to what the state can do for the people is the crisis-proneness of capitalist accu-mulation. Capitalism is characterized by the tendency of the rate of profit to fall (TRPF), leading to reduced investment and employment. This mechanism puts a stop to the rise in wages and contributes to absolute and/or relative immiseri- zation. Increasing the rate of exploitation, including by depressing wages below the value of labour, is a major way to counter the TRPF, and the state aids capital here. Indeed, some of the state interventions to counter the falling rate of profit aim to (help capital) increase labour exploitation. Some of the state interventions seek to bailout companies in crisis, and these are ultimately paid for by the working class and small-scale producers, in the form of austerity and the like. The fact that the state cannot fundamentally rescue capitalism from its crisis-proneness affects workers adversely: the state indeed has little control over ‘crises partial or general’ which cause unemployment’ (Marx, 1887: 385). Or, more generally, the state qua capitalist state has little real and long-term control over the average rate of profit to fall and therefore over the extent to which it can help the workers. 4 Bringing it all together: broader theoretical reflections on the state and forms of working-class struggle As we have seen, through its legislations and policies, the state seeks to force the capitalist class to reduce the length of the working day; it has tried to put a floor below which wages are not to fall. It contributes to the reproduction of segments of the reserve army through unemployment insurance and similar measures. There have been legislations concerning health and safety at work. The working class has also received benefits in the form of subsidized health and education. The state allows, or helps, people to freely sell their labour power and smallscale producers to freely sell products of their labour. The state can positively affect the value of labour power itself.49 The state may also weaken the power of rent-receiving landlords because of whom the ground rent exists and directly or indirectly affects workers and small-scale producers. Certain general theoretical conclusions can now be made from these facts about the relation between the state and class struggle in the light of the foregoing discussion in Sections 1—3. Long-term capitalist interests coinciding with workers’ everyday interests The long-term interests of the capitalist class (or of its hegemonic fraction) (and of the capitalist state) may coincide with those of workers, and this partly drives state functions in favour of the working class. Recklessly pursuing wealth in its abstract form, the capitalist class or individual capitalists can destroy the dual sources of all wealth (labour and nature), subjecting both to a dual metabolic rift, extracting far more out of them than what it gives them. In the long-term interest of capital, the state, as the idea collective capitalist, intervenes. The present state . . . assumes functions favouring social developments spe-cifically because, and in the measure that, these interests and social devel-opments coincide, in a general fashion, with the interests of the dominant class. (Luxemburg, 2008/1938: 61) The state has to make sure that capital has access to the worker it needs, the worker which is the sole source of surplus value (which is supplemented by the labour product of small-scale producers). Capitalists need workers (and other elements of the workforce such as small-scale producers) in two forms. Objectively, capitalists need workers with healthy bodies and with certain mental and physical abilities that are productive of capitalist wealth, the workers who, because of their property-lessness that is (coercively) protected by the state, are ‘forced to’ voluntarily work for a wage under the despotic control of the capitalist and/or hired agent. Culturally/subjectively, capitalists need men and women who accept capitalist rules of the game as more or less natural. Capitalism requires ‘a working class, which by education, tradition, habit, looks upon the conditions of that mode of production as self-evident laws of Nature’ (Marx, 1887: 523). Here the state plays an active role, although Marx neglects to say this: the state contributes towards the development of a working class, which accepts capitalism as natural, through its cultural apparatuses that disseminate the ideas of the capitalist class as ruling ideas (e.g. educational system, propaganda system, and so on). Objective class interests, the two forms of class struggle, and state action Objective conditions and objective interests (capital’s need for a suitable workforce, removal of feudal or semi-feudal-type constraints, workers’ needs) do not act. People ‘in so far as they are the personifications of economic categories, embodiments of particular class relations and class-interests classes’ (Marx, 1887: 7) exist as classes and class fractions (which identities are mediated by other identities) and engage in struggles in support of their economic and political class interests. As a structure of relations itself that is internally connected to the structure of capitalist relations, the state is intimately and necessarily connected to class struggle: class struggle (or balance of power between the two basic classes) and the state shape each other. Epistemologically speaking, class struggle is the mediating term between the abstract analysis of capitalist reproduction and the concept of the state (Clarke, 1983: 110). Class struggle from below (struggle of the masses) coexists with class struggle from above: [T]he State and its Apparatuses only have meaning from the point of view of the class struggle, as an apparatus of class struggle [i.e. class struggle from above] ensuring class oppression and guaranteeing the conditions of exploitation and its reproduction. But there is no class struggle without antagonistic classes. Whoever says class struggle of the ruling class says resistance, revolt and class struggle of the ruled class [i.e. class struggle from below]. (Althusser, 2001: 125) Just because concessions can work in the long-term interests of capital and just because concessions can produce consent of the masses, that does not necessarily mean concessions are granted. Active class struggle from below is needed. Common people fight for their interests, with a consciousness that is variable over time and that varies across regions and countries. The general point is that the impact of objective conditions (e.g. capital’s interest in a healthy and educated workforce) on the state’s pro-worker interventions is mediated by class struggle, including the struggle of workers. The need for consent, that is, need for workers to see capitalism as self-evident laws of nature, arises because there is potential/actual class struggle from below. And that consent is not produced automatically by economic processes of capitalism. The struggle of the proletariat against the capitalist class and its state always goes on — literally every month, there is a strike in some part of the world — and it takes many forms. In its trade union form, the struggle of the proletariat aims to obtain concessions from the capitalist class and its state, within the bounds of the capitalist class system. Concessions are both political and economic, and people fight for both. Political concessions are about democratic rights and ‘are made in the sphere of legislation concerning’ such things as police brutality, discrimination against religious minorities, oppression of women and racialized minorities, censorship, and so on (Lenin, 1901). The fight for trade union rights is a part of the fight for political concessions. Economic concessions involve improvements in the economic conditions of people, including in wages, conditions of work and state-provided services.50 A part of this struggle is the struggle against the commodity status of use-values (e.g. demand for subsidized food, shelter, or child care). The commodity status of things is contested in part under pressure from common people who lack the means of exchange to buy the use-values that they need, so the state is partly involved in the determination of what is, and what is not, a commodity. There is then class struggle from above. This is in the form of what capitalists do to the working class, including through their instrumentalist ties to the state and through its own associations (e.g. chambers of commerce and the like). It is also in the form of the state’s anti-worker economic policies and the suppression of strikes against these policies, on behalf of the capitalist class. The state is the biggest and most trusted trade union of the capitalist class that counters the trade unions and other organizations of workers. The neo-liberal welfare cut is an instance of class struggle launched by capital and its state against the social wage that the working class had successfully fought for after the war.51 As an arm of the capitalist class, the state supremely signifies class struggle from above by suppressing any significant potential or actual threat from workers to commodity relations, relations of property, and capitalist profit-making. When ‘adverse circumstances prevent the creation of the industrial reserve army and, with it, the absolute dependence of the working class upon the capitalist class’, capital ‘rebels against the “sacred” law of supply and demand’ (Marx, 1887: 448). Capital engages in its own methods of class struggle as it relies on ‘forcible means’, including ‘State interference’ (ibid.). This is class struggle from above. When the capitalist class hires goons to kill trade union leaders or hires strikebreakers during a strike, or when the business bosses use court orders to stop a strike, that is class struggle on their part too. When ‘through their press, agents, and spies the capitalists labor to frighten and demoralize the strikers’ (Trotsky, 1938b) that is an example of class struggle from above. Class struggle from above is supported/aided by the state.”翻译为中文

question:(In the school literature clubroom…) Monika: “Hang on, where’s Natsuki? It’s been 3 minutes and she still hasn’t shown up.” Sayori: “I’m not sure. She was really excited about discussing the book we read for this meeting, so it’s weird that she’s not here yet.” Yuri: “Should we give her a call or text to see if everything’s okay?” Monika: “Good idea. I’ll shoot her a text to check in.” (A few minutes later, and there’s no response from Natsuki.) Sayori: “Maybe her phone died or she lost track of time. She can be kind of forgetful sometimes.” Yuri: “Perhaps we should start the discussion without her and she can catch up when she arrives?” Monika: “I agree. Let’s not wait too long for her, but we can always fill her in later if she shows up.” (As the club members begin discussing the book, Natsuki suddenly bursts through the door, panting and out of breath.) Natsuki: “Sorry I’m late, guys! I got caught up in something and lost track of time. OOF!!! Gosh, it feels like Sakura is trying to kick her way out of my stomach…” Monika: “Are you okay, Natsuki? You look like you’re in pain.” Natsuki: “Yeah, I’m fine. It’s just…ow! Jeez! Calm down, Sakura, I’m trying to talk here! Sorry, she’s just really active today.” Yuri: “Are you sure you’re okay? Maybe you should sit down and take a breather.” Natsuki: “I’m fine, really. Let’s just continue with the discussion. I can catch up- ACK!!! Sakura, knock it off!” Sayori: “Are you sure you don’t need to go see the nurse or something? You look like you’re in a lot of pain.” Natsuki: “I’m fine, I promise. Let’s just focus on the book discussion- GAH!!! Sakura, I said

question:(In the school literature clubroom…) Monika: “Hang on, where’s Natsuki? It’s been 3 minutes and she still hasn’t shown up.” Sayori: “I’m not sure. She was really excited about discussing the book we read for this meeting, so it’s weird that she’s not here yet.” Yuri: “Should we give her a call or text to see if everything’s okay?” Monika: “Good idea. I’ll shoot her a text to check in.” (A few minutes later, and there’s no response from Natsuki.) Sayori: “Maybe her phone died or she lost track of time. She can be kind of forgetful sometimes.” Yuri: “Perhaps we should start the discussion without her and she can catch up when she arrives?” Monika: “I agree. Let’s not wait too long for her, but we can always fill her in later if she shows up.” (As the club members begin discussing the book, Natsuki suddenly bursts through the door, panting and out of breath.) Natsuki: “Sorry I’m late, guys! I got caught up in something and lost track of time. OOF!!! Gosh, it feels like Sakura is trying to kick her way out of my stomach…” Monika: “Are you okay, Natsuki? You look like you’re in pain.” Natsuki: “Yeah, I’m fine. It’s just…ow! Jeez! Calm down, Sakura, I’m trying to talk here! Sorry, she’s just really active today.” Yuri: “Are you sure you’re okay? Maybe you should sit down and take a breather.” Natsuki: “I’m fine, really. Let’s just continue with the discussion. I can catch up- ACK!!! Sakura, knock it off!” Sayori: “Are you sure you don’t need to go see the nurse or something? You look like you’re in a lot of pain.” Natsuki: “I’m fine, I promise. Let’s just focus on the book discussion- GAH!!! Sakura, I said

question:Clock frequency가 4.0GHz이면, 이것은 몇 MHz인가?